Editorial

Um amigo muito estimado tem uma “FlorBela” , a poetisa, sentada à janela do mundo. A peça é de Pedro Fazenda e hoje permite à poetisa, a partir da Quinta de Santa Rita, um olhar eterno sobre o lado este da cidade de Évora. Todavia ela nem sempre esteve ali. Conheci-a na cidade, no Pátio de S. Miguel , quase debruçada sobre o velho Colégio Espírito Santo (actual “centro” da Universidade de Évora) e com um horizonte que dos “coutos “ orientais da cidade se prolongava, nos dias verdadeiramente transparentes , até Évora-Monte . Mas as coisas da vida são como se fazem. Depois de um par de anos vendo o mundo a partir da cidade , e de mais alguns por outras andanças e paragens, Florbela sentou-se definitivamente para observar a cidade. E lá a encontrará nos anos vindouros quem a souber procurar. À janela, de onde a poetisa gostava de apreciar se não o Mundo, pelo menos o Mar (“Da Minha Janela”, 1923).

À janela do mundo me coloco também para observar e comentar as múltiplas cidades que me interessam, os seus actores e instituições. Sem uma agenda definida. Pelo simples prazer de dar palavras a ideias quando tal me apetecer. Um exercício de liberdade e cidadania.

DiáriodeumaCatedraaJanela é um blog de autor, um espaço de opinião aberto a todas as dimensões que se inscrevem na minha identidade . A de um autor com experiência e memória de mais de meio século partilhadas entre África e Europa, Casado (há quase 30 anos), Pai (de três filhos), Livre Pensador, Cidadão (Português e Europeu) , Professor (Catedrático) e Historiador . O Diário passará por tudo isto, mas com o carácter de “conta-corrente”, só mesmo a vida académica, que no momento em que este editorial foi escrito de(le)itava-se em mais uma falsas férias.

Não me coloco ao abrigo de uma atalaia. Pretendo também ser observado, expondo o meu dia a dia profissional. É uma forma de ajudar a superar a miserável (manipulação da ) ignorância do “povo” e proporcionar a possibilidade de contrapôr experiências à retórica e oportunismo mediáticos de muitos observadores e políticos pouco criteriosos. Os cidadãos podem conhecer de perto o que nós (professores universitários com carreira universitária) fazemos pelo país, o modo como o fazemos e o que pensamos sobre o modo como podemos fazer ainda mais e melhor.

A começar a 1 de Setembro. Não por ser o dia dedicado pela Igreja Católica à bela “Santa Beatriz da Silva Menezes, Virgem “ (1490-c 1550). Não por constituir efeméride da invasão da Polónia pela Alemanha (1939), da Conferência de Belgrado (1961) ou da tomada do poder por Muammar al-Qaddafi (1969). Não também pelo comemorativo propósito dos dias do Caixeiro Viajante ou do Professor de Educação Física. Nem sequer por marcar o nascimento de António Lobo Antunes (1942), o autor das extraordinárias “D´este viver aqui neste papel descripto. Cartas da Guerra” (1971-1972) , cuja edição as filhas organizaram (2005) , ou de Allen Weinstein (1937), prestigiado historiador americano e actual “Archivist of the United States “. Nada disso. Também não é por corresponder ao 9802º dia da minha actividade como professor universitário, cujo início data de 30 de Outubro de 1980, quatro meses após a conclusão da licenciatura e uma disputa em concurso público limpinho. Apenas porque me fica mais em conta.

Vamos lá tentar fazer disto um mundo aberto.

Burgau, 15 de Agosto de 2007
Helder Adegar Fonseca (HAF)

domingo, agosto 31

10162º Dia

I
Cuttle-Fish Day
II As matas portuguesas: 3% públicas (a mais baixa percentagem na europa) ; 97 % privadas. As matas públicas cuidadas e bem administradas. As matas privadas na sua larga maioria abandanodas, mal tratadas, sem limpezas, desordenadas, etc. Há interesse privado num exploração económica e racional da floresta: uma óptima notícia para o país. Mas porque é que não se interessam pelas matas privadas e as recuperam? Não é difícil perceber…. um dia ainda as devolvem em estado degradado como aconteveu com a história da privatização e des-privatização dos Hospitais. enquanto o pau vai e vem… ainda alguém vai a comendador e tudo.
III. A Justiça Portuguesa na óptica de Clara Ferreira Alves “não é apenas cega, é surda, muda, coxa e marreca” “ e a escritora e colunista não hesita em considerá-la como “o maior fracasso da democracia Portuguesa (Expresso, 30 de Agosto, ). Não podemos deixar de reconhecer que há domínios da Justiça portuguesa que são sistematicamente ineficientes. Toda a gente conhece os detalhes. E a razão também : ausência de “accountability”, tanto para os dirigentes públicos como privados. Ora esta não-responsabilidade é um elemento fundamental para o generalizado mau funcionamento societal. Não apenas no sector da justiça.
HAF

10161º Dia

sexta-feira, agosto 29

10160º Dia

I Cf. Arquivo Familiar ( C. J. A.- Guarda). Escrevo regularmente o Diário mas há já alguns dias que não os coloco na Web… Agravam-se as maleitas….
II. Discurso de aceitação da nomeação proferido pelo Senador Barack Hussein Obama como candidato dos Democratas à Presidência dos EUA [Convenção National Democrática, Denver, 28 de Agosto]
« Thank you so much.
Thank you very much.
Thank you, everybody.
[I Accept Your Nomination] and [Thanks]
To -- to Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin, and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation, with profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for presidency of the United States.
Let me -- let me express -- let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest, a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
To President Clinton, to President Bill Clinton, who made last night the case for change as only he can make it...
... to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service...
... and to the next vice president of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you.
I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.
To the love of my life, our next first lady, Michelle Obama...
... and to Malia and Sasha, I love you so much, and I am so proud of you.
[America´s Promise in Jeopardy]
Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story, of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.
It is that promise that's always set this country apart, that through hard work and sacrifice each of us can pursue our individual dreams, but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams, as well. That's why I stand here tonight. Because for 232 years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women -- students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.
[This Moment]
We meet at one of those defining moments, a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.
Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit cards, bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.
These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.
America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.
This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.
We're a better country than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment that he's worked on for 20 years and watch as it's shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.
We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty...
... that sits...
... that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.
Tonight, tonight, I say to the people of America, to Democrats and Republicans and independents across this great land: Enough. This moment...
This moment, this moment, this election is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive.
Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third.
And we are here -- we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look just like the last eight.
On November 4th, on November 4th, we must stand up and say: Eight is enough.
[John McCain]
Now, now, let me -- let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and our respect.
And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.
But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time.
Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but, really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than 90 percent of the time?
I don't know about you, but I am not ready to take a 10 percent chance on change.
The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives -- on health care, and education, and the economy -- Senator McCain has been anything but independent.
[Not ´a Nation of Whiners]
He said that our economy has made great progress under this president. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made.
Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third, or fourth, or fifth tour of duty.
These are not whiners. They work hard, and they give back, and they keep going without complaint. These are the Americans I know.
[McCain Doesn`t Understand]
Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans; I just think he doesn't know.
Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under $5 million a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies, but not one penny of tax relief to more than 100 million Americans?
How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?
[“Ownership Society” ]
It's not because John McCain doesn't care; it's because John McCain doesn't get it.
For over two decades -- for over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy: Give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else.
In Washington, they call this the "Ownership Society," but what it really means is that you're on your own. Out of work? Tough luck, you're on your own. No health care? The market will fix it. You're on your own. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps, even if you don't have boots. You are on your own.
Well, it's time for them to own their failure. It's time for us to change America. And that's why I'm running for president of the United States.
[Measuring Progress]
You see, you see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.
We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage, whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma.
We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was president...... when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of go down $2,000, like it has under George Bush.
We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off and look after a sick kid without losing her job, an economy that honors the dignity of work.
[My Heroes]
The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great, a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.
Because, in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the G.I. Bill.
In the face of that young student, who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree, who once turned to food stamps, but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.
When I -- when I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.
And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business or making her way in the world, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman.
She's the one who taught me about hard work. She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight and that tonight is her night, as well.
Now, I don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine.
These are my heroes; theirs are the stories that shaped my life. And it is on behalf of them that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as president of the United States.
[Defining America´s Promise]
What -- what is that American promise? It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have obligations to treat each other with dignity and respect.
It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, to look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.
Ours -- ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves: protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools, and new roads, and science, and technology.
Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.
That's the promise of America, the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation, the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper.
That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now.
[Bringing Change]
So -- so let me -- let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.
[Taxes]
Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.
You know, unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to companies that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.
I'll eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will -- listen now -- I will cut taxes -- cut taxes -- for 95 percent of all working families, because, in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle class.
[Energy]
And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as president: In 10 years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.
We will do this. Washington -- Washington has been talking about our oil addiction for the last 30 years. And, by the way, John McCain has been there for 26 of them.
And in that time, he has said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil than we had on the day that Senator McCain took office.
Now is the time to end this addiction and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution, not even close.
As president, as president, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America.
I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars.
And I'll invest $150 billion over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy -- wind power, and solar power, and the next generation of biofuels -- an investment that will lead to new industries and 5 million new jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced.
[Education]
America, now is not the time for small plans. Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy.
You know, Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don't have that chance.
I'll invest in early childhood education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries, and give them more support. And in exchange, I'll ask for higher standards and more accountability.
And we will keep our promise to every young American: If you commit to serving your community or our country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.
[Health Care]
Now -- now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American.
If you have health care -- if you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves.
And -- and as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their job and caring for a sick child or an ailing parent.
[Compensation] [ Equal Pay]
Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses, and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.
And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have the exact same opportunities as your sons.
[Budget Matters]
Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime: by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow.
But I will also go through the federal budget line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less, because we cannot meet 21st-century challenges with a 20th-century bureaucracy.
[Personal and Mutual Responsibility]
And, Democrats, Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our intellectual and moral strength.
Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient.
Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents, that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework, that fathers must take more responsibility to provide love and guidance to their children.
Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility, that's the essence of America's promise. And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America's promise abroad.
[Promise Abroad]
If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament and judgment to serve as the next commander-in-chief, that's a debate I'm ready to have.
For -- for while -- while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats that we face.
When John McCain said we could just muddle through in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights.
You know, John McCain likes to say that he'll follow bin Laden to the gates of Hell, but he won't even follow him to the cave where he lives.
And today, today, as my call for a timeframe to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush administration, even after we learned that Iraq has $79 billion in surplus while we are wallowing in deficit, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.
That's not the judgment we need; that won't keep America safe. We need a president who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.
You don't defeat -- you don't defeat a terrorist network that operates in 80 countries by occupying Iraq. You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances.
If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice, but that is not the change that America needs.
We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don't tell me that Democrats won't defend this country. Don't tell me that Democrats won't keep us safe.
The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans, Democrats and Republicans, have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.
As commander-in-chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.
I will end this war in Iraq responsibly and finish the fight against Al Qaida and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts, but I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression.
I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation, poverty and genocide, climate change and disease.
And I will restore our moral standing so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.
These -- these are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.
But what I will not do is suggest that the senator takes his positions for political purposes, because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and each other's patriotism.
The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain.
The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and independents, but they have fought together, and bled together, and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a red America or a blue America; they have served the United States of America.
So I've got news for you, John McCain: We all put our country first.
[Common Purpose]
America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices. And Democrats, as well as Republicans, will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past, for part of what has been lost these past eight years can't just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose, and that's what we have to restore.
We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country.
The -- the reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than they are for those plagued by gang violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals.
I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in a hospital and to live lives free of discrimination.
You know, passions may fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers.
But this, too, is part of America's promise, the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.
[Dismissing Dismissals]
And that's to be expected, because if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare voters.
If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from. You make a big election about small things.
And you know what? It's worked before, because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping and settle for what you already know.
I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.
But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the naysayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me; it's about you.
[“About you”]
It's about you.
For 18 long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said, "Enough," to the politics of the past. You understand that, in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same, old politics with the same, old players and expect a different result.
[Change Comes to Washington]
You have shown what history teaches us, that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington.
Change happens -- change happens because the American people demand it, because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.
America, this is one of those moments.
I believe that, as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming, because I've seen it, because I've lived it.
Because I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work.
I've seen it in Washington, where we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans, and keep nuclear weapons out of the hands of terrorists.
And I've seen it in this campaign, in the young people who voted for the first time and the young at heart, those who got involved again after a very long time; in the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did.
I've seen it -- I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day, even though they can't afford it, than see their friends lose their jobs; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb; in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.
[“Greatest Inheritance” (the American Spirit)]
You know, this country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.
Instead, it is that American spirit, that American promise, that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.
That promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night and a promise that you make to yours, a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west, a promise that led workers to picket lines and women to reach for the ballot.
[Hearing the Dream]
And it is that promise that, 45 years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.
The men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustrations of so many dreams deferred.
But what the people heard instead -- people of every creed and color, from every walk of life -- is that, in America, our destiny is inextricably linked, that together our dreams can be one.
"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."
America, we cannot turn back...
... not with so much work to be done; not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for; not with an economy to fix, and cities to rebuild, and farms to save; not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend.
America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone.
At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise, that American promise, and in the words of scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.»
[NYT /Published: August 28, 2008\]
HAF

10159º Dia

I Cf. Arquivo Familiar ( C. J. A.- Guarda)
II Leituras:
Volker Berghahn: “Conceptualizing the American Impact on Germany: West German Society and the Problem of Americanization” [Conference at the German Historical Institute Washington, D.C., March 25–27, 1999 ]; A Americanização da Europa: as Fundações Americanas ( Cap I tese de mestrado em curso…)
III “ I Have a Dream “: no momento em que já é conhecido que o “afro-americano” Barak Hussein
Obama é, por aclamação [uma “notável” iniciativa/ proposta de Hillary Clinton ] , o candidato democrata à 44º Presidência dos EUA evoca-se aqui o discurso de Martin Luther King, 34 anos, a 28 de Agosto 1963, na Washington, DC. Pode ler o “exact text of the spoken speech, transcribed from recordings “ em http://www.usconstitution.net/dream.html . Que termina assim: “[…] let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
O “essencial” do discurso de Bill Clinton ontem na Convenção: além de realçar o laço de McCain à filosofia extremista do Partido Republicano, BC, evocando a sua experiência política, colocou a mão no fogo por BO, o homem certo para o desempenho do cargo: “I say to you: Barack Obama is ready to lead America and restore American leadership in the world. (…) Barack Obama is ready to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. Barack Obama is ready to be president of the United States.”
HAF

10158º Dia

I. Cf. Arquivo Familiar ( C. J. A.- Guarda)
II.Leituras
BERGHAN Volker R. : “Globalization, Americanization and Europeanization ” , The Globalist. The Power of Global Ideas. Online Magazine on th Global Economy, Politics and Culture, Part I (Tuesday, November 13), Part II (Wednesday, November 14) and Part III (Thursday, November 15) 2007 [http://www.theglobalist.com/]. Em primeiro lugar recomendo The Globalist, uma revista “essencial” para quem se interessa pelo(s) fenómeno(s) da(s) globalização(ões) e pelos a ela(s) associados, vendo-os numa óptica pluridimensional e tranversal. No artigo Volker Berghahm sistematiza a sua interpretação do “irregular” processo de Americanização vinculando-o a uma segunda etapa do processo de modernização que se desenha a partir de finais do Séc. 19 (a primeira acabou por ser um processo contínuo de Europeização). A Americanização da Europa como parte (essencial?) daquele processo, na interpretação deste reputado historiador da História Contemporânea europeia e alemã (Columbia University) , teve duas etapas essenciais: de 1900 aos anos 1920s , mais “cultural” (cinema, dança, lazer comercial, etc..) do que económica e que foi travada tanto pelo deliberado isolacionismo americano como pela evolução autoritária da Europa; e a era de esplendor, no pós 2ª Guerra Mundial. Do autor, além dos estudos dedicados à Alemanha Imperial e Nazi , destaco três obras essenciais :The Americanization of West German Industry, 1945–1973 (1986) ; America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe. Shepherd Stone between Philanthropy, Academy, and Diplomacy (2001) ;Europe in the Era of Two World Wars: From Militarism and Genocide to Civil Society, 1900-1950 (2005) .
III. O “superior” Discurso da senadora Hillary Rodham Clinton ontem na Convenção Nacional Democrática (em Denver) :
[Introduction; For Obama, Against McCain; Always Remember; Sisterhood of the Travelimg Pantsuits; Eulogies; Eight Years of Bush; Why She Ran; “Ask Youself Why”; A Leader like Obama; Tribute to Bill Clinton; Projrcting Obama´s Accomplishments; Michele Obama; Joseph R. Biden Jr.; “Don´t Nedd Four More Years”; Women´s Rights; Harriet Tubman´s Advice; Obama for Past and Future]
“I…I am honored to be here tonight, as a proud mother, as proud Democrat….as a proud senator from New York …a proud American….and a proud supporter of Barack Obama.
My friends, it is time to take back the country we love. And whether you voted for me, or you voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose. We are on the same team, and none of us can sit on the sidelines. This is a fight for the future. And it's a fight we must win together.
I haven't spent the past 35 years in the trenches advocating for children, campaigning for universal health care, helping parents balance work and family, and fighting for women's rights at home and around the world . . . to see another Republican in the White House squander our promise of a country that really fulfills the hopes of our people. And you haven't worked so hard over the last 18 months, or endured the last eight years, to suffer through more failed leadership.
No way. No how. No McCain.
Barack Obama is my candidate. And he must be our President.
Tonight I ask you to remember what a Presidential election is really about. When the polls have closed, and the ads are finally off the air, it comes down to you -- the American people, and your lives, and your children's futures.
For me, it's been a privilege to meet you in your homes, your workplaces, and your communities. Your stories reminded me that every day, America's greatness is bound up in the lives of the American people --your hard work, your devotion to duty, your love for your children, and your determination to keep going, often in the face of enormous obstacles.
You taught me so much, you made me laugh, and , yes, you even made me cry. You allowed me to become part of your lives. And you became part of mine.
I will always remember the single mom who had adopted two kids with autism. She didn't have health insurance, and she discovered she had cancer. But she greeted me with her bald head, painted with my name on it, and asked me to fight for health care and her children,
I will always remember the young man in a Marine Corps t-shirt who waited months for medical care. And he said to me: "Take care of my buddies; a lot of them are still over there. And then will you please help take care of me?"
And I will always remember the boy who told me his mom worked for the minimum wage, that her employer had cut her hours. He said he just didn't know what his family was going to do.
I will always be grateful to everyone from all fifty states, Puerto Rico and the territories,… who joined our campaign on behalf of all those people left out and left behind by the Bush Administration. To my supporters, to my champions, to my sisterhood of the traveling pantsuits… from the bottom of my heart: Thank you. Thank you because you never gave in and you never gave up. And together we made history.
And along the way, America lost two great Democratic champions who would have been here with us tonight: One of our finest young leaders, Arkansas Democratic Party Chair, Bill Gwatney, who believed with all his heart ….that America and the South could be and should be Democratic from top to bottom.
And Congresswoman Stephanie Tubbs Jones, a dear friend to many of us, a loving mother, a courageous leader who never gave up her quest to make America fairer and smarter, stronger and better. Steadfast in her beliefs, a fighter of uncommon grace, she was an inspiration to me and to us all.
Our heart goes out to Stephanie's son, Mervyn, Jr, and Bill's wife, Rebecca, who traveled to Denver to join this family of Democrats
You Know, Bill and Stephanie knew that , after eight years of George Bush, people are hurting at home and our standing has eroded around the world.
We have a lot of work ahead of us: Jobs lost; houses gone; falling wages; rising prices; the Supreme Court in a right-wing headlock; and our government in partisan gridlock; the biggest deficit in our nation's history; money borrowed from the Chinese to buy oil from the Saudis ;Putin and Georgia; Iraq and Iran.
I ran for President to renew the promise of America, to rebuild the middle class and sustain the American Dream, to provide the opportunity to work hard for it and have that work rewarded, so they could save for college, a home and retirement, afford gas and groceries , and have a little left over each month.
To promote a clean energy economy that will create millions of green-collar jobs, to create a health care system that is universal, high-quality, and affordable, so that every single parent knows their will will be taken care of [ no longer have to choose between care for themselves or their children or be stuck in dead end jobs simply to keep their insurance [official version]]
We want to create a world-class education system and make college affordable again, to fight for an America defined by deep and meaningful equality , from civil rights to labor rights, from women's rights to gay rights, from ending discrimination to promoting unionization, to providing help for the most important job there is,caring for our families and to help every child live up to his or her God-given potential, to make America once again a nation of immigrants and a nation of laws, to restore fiscal sanity to Washington and make our government an institution [instrument] of the public good, not of private plunder.
To restore America's standing in the world, to end the war in Iraq, bring our troops home with honor, care for our veterans, and give them the services they have earned.
We will work for an America again that will join with our allies in confronting our shared challenges, from poverty and genocide to terrorism and global warming.
Most of all, I ran to stand up for all those who have been invisible to their government for eight long years. Those are the reasons I ran for President, and those are the reasons I support Barack Obama for President.
I want you …I want you to ask yourselves: Were you in this campaign just for me?, or were you in it for that young Marine and others like him? Were you in it for that mom struggling with cancer while raising her kids? Were you in it for that boy and his mom surviving on the minimum wage? Were you in it for all the people in this country who feel invisible?
We need leaders once again who can tap into that special blend of American confidence and optimism that has enabled generations before us to meet our toughest challenges, leaders who can help us show ourselves and the world that with our ingenuity, creativity, and innovative spirit, there are no limits to what is possible in America.
Now, this will not be easy. Progress never is. But it will be impossible if we don't fight to put a Democrat in the White House.
We need to elect Barack Obama because we need a President who understands that America can't compete in a global economy by padding the pockets of energy speculators, while ignoring the workers whose jobs have been shipped overseas.
We need a President who understands that we can't solve the problems of global warming by giving windfall profits to the oil companies while ignoring opportunities to invest in new technologies that will build a green economy.
We need a President who understands that [….] genius of America has always depended on the strength and vitality of the middle class.
Barack Obama began his career fighting for workers displaced by the global economy. He built his campaign on a fundamental belief that change in this country must start from the ground up, not the top down. And he knows government must be about "We the people" not "We the favored few."
And when Barack Obama is in the White House, he'll revitalize our economy, defend the working people of America, and meet the global challenges of our time. Democrats know how to do this. As I recall, we did it before with President Clinton and the Democrat. And if we do our part, we`ll do it again with President Obama and the Democrats.
Just think of what America will be as we transform our energy economy, create those millions of [green ]jobs [and building a new, clean energy future] build a strong base for economic growth and shared prosperity, get middle-class families the tax relief they deserve. [ He'll make sure that middle class families get the tax relief they deserve] And I can't wait to watch Barack Obama sign into law a health care plan that covers every single American.
And we know the President Obama will end the war in Iraq responsibly, bring our troops home, and begin to repair [a first step to repairing] our alliances around the world.
And Barack will have with him a terrific partner in Michelle Obama. Anyone who saw Michelle's speech last night knows she will be a great First Lady for America.
And Americans are [also] fortunate that Joe Biden will be at Barack Obama's side a strong leader, a good man who understands both the economic stresses here at home and the strategic challenges abroad. He is pragmatic, he`s tough, and he`swise. And Joe, of course, will be supported by his wonderful wife, Jill.
They will be a great team for our country.
Now, John McCain is my colleague and my friend. He has served our country with honor and courage. But we don't need four more years . . . of the last eight years…. no ! …more economic stagnation and less affordable health care….No!....more high gas prices and less alternative energy…. No! …more jobs getting shipped overseas and fewer jobs created here at home…No!.....
more skyrocketing debt, and home foreclosures, and mounting bills that are crushing our middle class families….No!..more war and less diplomacy…. No! ..more of a government where the privileged come first and everyone else comes last…. No!.
Well, John McCain says the economy is fundamentally sound. John McCain doesn't think that 47 million people without health insurance is a crisis. John McCain wants to privatize Social Security. And in 2008, he still thinks it's okay when women don't earn equal pay for equal work.
Now, With an agenda like that, it makes sense that George Bush and John McCain will be together next week in the Twin Cities, because these days they're awfully hard to tell apart.
You know, America is still around after 232 years because we have risen to the challenge of every new time, changing to be faithful to our values of equal opportunity for all and the common good.
And I know what that can mean for every man, woman, and child in America. I'm a United States Senator because in 1848 a group of courageous women and a few brave men gathered in Seneca Falls, New York, many traveling for days and nights…. to participate in the first convention on women's rights in our history. And so dawned a struggle for the right to vote that would last 72 years, handed down by mother to daughter to granddaughter and a few sons and grandsons along the way.
These women and men looked into their daughters' eyes and imagined a fairer and freer world, and found the strength to fight, to rally, to picket, to o endure ridicule and harassment, and brave violence and jail.
And after so many decades , 88 years ago on this very day, the 19th amendment giving women the right to vote, became enshrined in our Constitution.
My mother was born before women could vote. My daughter got to vote for her mother for President. This is the story of America, of women and men who defy the odds and never give up.
So how do we give this country back to them? By following the example of a brave New Yorker , a woman who risked her life to bring slaves to freedom along the Underground Railroad.
On that path to freedom, Harriett Tubman had one piece of advice: “If you hear the dogs, keep going. If you see the torches in the woods, keep going. If there`s shouting after you, keep going.
Don't ever stop. Keep going. If you want a taste of freedom, keep going.
[Even in the darkest of moments, ordinary Americans have found the faith to keep going.]
I've seen it in. I've seen it in our teachers and firefighters, our police officers and nurses, out small business owners, and our union workers. I´ve seen it in the men and women of our military . In America, you always keep going. We`re Americans. We're not big on quitting.
And, remember, before we can keep going, we have got to get going by electing Barack Obama the next president of United States..
We don't have a moment to lose or a vote to spare. Nothing less than the fate of our nation and the future of our children hangs in the balance.
I want you to think about your children and grandchildren come Election Day. And think about the choices your parents and grandparents made that had such a big impact on your life and on the life of our nation.
We've got to ensure that the choice we make in this election honors the sacrifices of all who came before us, and will fill the lives of our children with possibility and hope.
That is our duty, to build that bright future, to teach our children that, in America, there is no chasm too deep, no barrier too great, no ceiling too high for all who work hard, who keep going [never back down, always keep going], have faith in God, in our country, and in each other.
This is our mission, Democrats. Let`s elect Barack Obama and Joe Biden for that future worthy our great country. Thank you s. God bless you , and Godspeed.”
[transcrição a parir do discurso , fonte NYT 27 aug. ; pode aceder à “versão escrita” cf Associated Press, 26.aug. 2008; cf também The Associated Press. [August 26, 2008]
HAF

10157º Dia

I Cf. Arquivo Familiar ( C. J. A.- Guarda)
II. Sempre que o “estado” o permitiu: Elikia M´Bokolo, África Negra.., Vol.2…
II O PAÍS “XICO ESPERTO OU O “PORTÁTIL PORTUGUÊS” : Será o «“O Computador “magalhães”- uma alrdabice que a televisão não descobriu » ?
versão I: “Magalhães - o primeiro portátil português”
“Este blog é dedicado ao primeiro portátil made in Portugal - o Magalhães. Vestido de azul e branco, lembrando as cores das nossas conquistas marítimas, o Magalhães, sairá (espera-se) de Matosinhos para todo o mundo, tornando-nos num país exportador de computadores. Resultado de uma parceria entre o consórcio JP Sá Couto/Prológica e o líder mundial de processadores - a Intel, o Magalhães é baseado no Classmate PC 2 da gigante norte-americana dos semicondutores, e vai ser disponibilizado às crianças que frequentam o primeiro ciclo do ensino português, a preços que vão desde zero (dado) a cinquenta euros.
Contando com outros parceiros para além da Intel , nomeadamente a Microsoft e a Samsung, o Magalhães poderá já ser pedido através da Internet a partir de Setembro.
Se quiser ficar por dentro de tudo o que se relaciona com o Magalhães, não perca de vista este blog …”
[…]
A produção do Portátil Magalhães está a formar consideráveis expectativas na empresa que o fabrica - a JP Sá Couto de Matosinhos. Os administradores da empresa do Freixieiro, os irmãos Sá Couto, prevêem triplicar a facturação a par da construção de novas linhas de produção e ainda a contratação de cerca de cem novos trabalhadores, que numa perspectiva optimista podem mesmo chegar a ultrapassar esse valor, caso se confirmem muitas das possibilidades de exportação. » [http://www.portatilmagalhaes.com]
Versão 2 : «"Magalhães" - o mais escandaloso golpe de propaganda do ano»
Os noticiários abriram há dias, com pompa e circunstância, anunciando o lançamento do "Primeiro computador portátil português ", o "Magalhães".A RTP refere que é "um projecto português produzido em Portugal "A SIC refere que "um produto desenvolvido por empresas nacionais e pela Intel " e que a "concepção é portuguesa e foi desenvolvida no âmbito do Plano Tecnologico. "Na realidade, só com muito boa vontade é que o que foi dito e escrito é verdadeiro. O projecto não teve origem em Portugal, já existe desde 2006 e é da responsabilidade da Intel. Chama-se Classmate PC e é um laptop de baixo custo destinado ao terceiro mundo e já é vendido há muito tempo através da Amazon .As notícias foram cuidadosamente feitas de forma a dar ideia que o "Magalhães" é algo de completamente novo e com origem em Portugal. Não é verdade. Felizmente, existem alguns blogues atentos . Na imprensa escrita salvou-se, que se tenha dado conta, a notícia do Portugal Diário : "Tirando o nome, o logótipo e a capa exterior, tudo o resto é idêntico ao produto que a Intel tem estado a vender em várias partes do mundo desde 2006. Aliás, esta é já a segunda versão do produto. "Pelos vistos, o jornalista Filipe Caetano foi o único a fazer um trabalhinho de investigação em vez de reproduzir o comunicado de imprensa do Governo.
A ideia é destruir os esforços de Negroponte para o OLPC. O criador do MIT Media Lab criou esta inovação, o portátil de 100 dólares...A Intel foi um dos parcceiros até ver o seu concorrente AND ser escolhida como fornecedor. Saiu do consórcio e criou o Classmate, que está a tentar impor aos países em desenvolvimento. Sócrates acaba de aliar-se, SEM CONCURSO, à Intel, para destruir o projecto de Negroponte. A JP Sá Couto, que ja fazia os Tsunamis, tem assim, SEM CONCURSO, todo o mercado nacional do primeiro ciclo.Tudo se justifica em nome de um número de propaganda política terceiro-mundista.Para os pivots (ex-jornalistas?) Rodrigues dos Santos ou José Alberto Carvalho, o importante é debitar chavões propagandísticos em vez de fazer perguntas. Se não fosse a blogosfera - que o ministro Santos Silva ainda não controla - esta propaganda não seria desmascarada. Os jornalistas da imprensa tradicional têm vindo a revelar-se de uma ignorância, seguidismo e preguiça atroz.»
[João Ricardo Mendes:“Golpe de propaganda desmascarado... pela blogosfera”,
: http://horariosescolares.blogs.sapo.pt/2008/08/11/ consultado a 26 de Agosto
HAF

segunda-feira, agosto 25

10156º Dia

09.00-11.00: correspondência
11.00-12.00: um ano depois revejo o documentário sobre o genocídio no Dafur (oeste de Sudão) o local onde os “refugiados [fures [negros] ] aparecem e desaparecem…” abatidos pelos árabes. Nos documentos video habilmente recolhidos com a cooperação de Mohamed e a sua esposa Amida, incluem-se testemunhos orais, escritos e marcados no corpo de adultos, jovens e crianças, e um levantamento de centenas de valas comuns. [Julio Alonso e Iván Durán : “Darfur, provas do genocídio” (Odissieia). Sem resposta ficou a pergunta que Mohamed dirigiu aos jornalistas na entrevista em Madrid: estão aqui todos muito impressionados …mas porque não estiveram em Darfur? o tribunal de Haia tem o assunto em mãos.
14-17.00: às voltas com as actas da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1911)
20.00-23.00: às voltas com as fases da Mobilidade Social em Portugal 1880-1960s…
HAF

10155º Dia

Domingo, 24 de Agosto…
HAF

10154º Dia

Sábado, 23 de Agosto
I
Um dia de descanso “caseiro”, recuperador…. e o regresso a Elikia M´Bokolo, África Negra.., Vol.2…
II
Ontem começou a votação online das 7 principais propostas/resoluções 2008 do partido Newropeans para a agricultura europeia; o ambiente, energia, agricultura, e clima; a estabilização de Israel-Palestina; o melhoramento da eficácia dos programas comunitários e para a democratização dos processos políticos da UE; o direito ao voto a partir dos 16 anos; a defesa europeia e, finalmente, a composição da Comissão Directiva . A votação decorrerá até 3 de setembro. Hoje exercí o meu dever. As propostas serão publicamente apresentadas e discutidas com os cidadãos europeus até às próximas eleições [cf. http://www.newropeans.eu]
III
A próxima semana será dominada pela Convenção Democrática estadounidense que decorrerá em Denver, a partir de 2ª feira. Aguardado com grande expectativa é o discurso do Obama (dia 28 à noite) , o candidato dos Democratas à presidência dos EUA, e o nome da personalidade convidada para apresentar o candidato. Entretanto Obama já anunciou o seu “running mate”: o Senador Joseph R. Biden Jr. de Delaware , um especialista em questões internacionais, ocupará a Vice-Presidência dos EUA caso o candidato democrata ganhe as eleições (o que eu espero venha a acontecer). Biden Jr é actualmente o “ chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and is familiar with foreign leaders and diplomats around the world “ [NYT, 12.30 h]
HAF

10153º Dia

Sexta Feira, 22 de Agosto de 2008
I Continuo sem dar atenção aos e-mails… dois dias sem correspondência e focados na pesca. Finalmente dias de verdadeiro descanso, cansando-me escalando as arribas desta costa. Primeira saída: 05.30 da matina; reposição de isco às 12.30 com a baixa mar; regresso ao Serro dos Toiros às 16.30… e tudo se interrompe com um inesperado “regresso ao passado” em matéria de saúde. A noite prolongar-se-á além da hora a que escrevo este diário. Vai ser preciso recomeçar …
II: DA FDC_Mocambique as novas não são agradáveis mas as dificuldades serão superadas...
III A invasão de Checoslováquia na imprensa portuguesa coeva: a 21 de Agosto de 1968, o Diário de Notícias fez três edições especiais.
HAF

quinta-feira, agosto 21

10152º Dia

I. Um dia de descanso completo, entre a maré baixa na praia de Burgau e a praia mar no "Cerro dos Toiros" onde os sargos mais uma vez “vieram para terra” (um pesqueiro de acesso difícil mas muito fiável....)
II. De Moçambique chegam notícias desagradáveis mas superáveis... verei como...
III. Nélson Évora, nascido na Costa do Marfim (1984), filho de cabo-verdianos e naturalizado português (com "cunhas....") é o novo campeão olímpico de triplo-salto , modalidade em que é um dos mais reputados especialistas. Ví os seis ensaios, dois ou três deles de uma “arte” extraordinária. 24 anos de idade e nas suas entrevistas uma enorme maturidade e sentido de responsabilidade. Uma referência cabo-verdiana, portuguesa e europeia. É notório que pode e quer progredir : pode tornar-se uma lenda.
Entretanto li esta noite no YouTube, agarrado ao video de VMRCARDOSO dedicado ao atleta, esta pérola antológica de saloice nacionalista: “Nelson Évora mostra o valor da Raça Portuguesa ... “.
IV: A “Primavera de Praga” : o princípio do fim (?) do “socialismo de rosto humano” (II): o início da batalha de Praga..
Na madrugada de 21 de Agosto de 1968, Dubcek, que presidia a uma reunião da Direcção do Partido Comunista Checoslovaco [ver “Diário” nº 10151] tomou conhecimento de que uma força de 300 a 600 mil militares do Pacto de Varsóvia (URSS, Polónia, Hungria,Bulgária, RDA), sob a liderança Soviética, entrava na República Socialista da Checoslovaquia.
A Direcção do CPCz decidiu convocar o Parlamento e o Plenário do Comité central para discutir a situação. O presidente Dubcek e os outros líderes comunistas foram presos. Todavia apesar da maioria nominal dos pró-soviéticos na direcção do Partido falhou a tentativa de substituição da liderança política do no Partido. Nas ruas , uma centena de mortos e algumas centenas de feridos davam início ao que ficou para a história como a “Batalha de Praga”. Em 1968 , Flausino Torres, historiador e militante do PCP, estava exilado em Praga (proveniente de Argel) onde foi testemunha tanto da a “Primavera” como da “Batalha” de Praga e do colapso do “socialismo de rosto humano”. A ela dedicou um diário que ficou inédito até à uns meses atrás. Hoje pode lê-lo: : Flausino Torres, Diário da Batalha de Praga. Socialismo e Humanismo, Edições Afrontamento, 2008 (com apresentação e notas de com apresentação e notas do historiador Paulo Torres Bento, neto do autor do Diário) . Fica um extracto:
« 27/8/68 - No dia 21, quarta-feira, pelas 7 horas da manhã, entram-nos pela porta dentro três compatriotas - entre eles a Maria [pseudónimo de Mercedes Ferreira]: "Rebentou a guerra! A Checoslováquia foi invadida pelos Sovietes! Às 11 horas da noite de ontem 20, algumas centenas de tanques atravessaram a fronteira: a Polónia, a Hungria, a RDA, a Bulgária, a União Soviética, entraram cada um por seu lado!" Ficámos meio-atordoados! Seria possível? A União Soviética, a Pátria do Socialismo, como era costume chamar-lhe - e como quase oito dias depois certas emissoras facciosas continuavam a chamar-lhe - invadia um país amigo...? Seria crível, depois da Conferência de Bratislava, de que tudo partira satisfeito como pareciam mostrá-lo as imagens da TV? Ficámos todos atordoados; continuámos todos atordoados com o que estávamos ouvindo. Fomos imediatamente para o Centro, onde a batalha rugia. Centenas de tanques rolavam barulhentamente, pesadamente, pelas ruas calcetadas de Praga. Não se viam homens, não se viam soldados, naquela manhã em que atravessámos a cidade de autocarro: tanques, tanques e somente tanques; carros blindados e metralhadoras; canhões compridíssimos dum verde cinzento, tudo num verde cinzento. Os transportes não existiam; eu voltei a casa à tarde a pé: 14 quilómetros. »
Naturalmente o 40º aniversário deste importante acontecimento histórico é hoje evocado em muitos locais e por muitas instituições. Em Praga, no velho edificio do poder municipal está disponível uma exposição de fotografias do fotógrafo checo Josef Koudelka. A exposição, que apresenta muito material inédito, tem como título: “ Josef Koudelka – Invasion 68 commemorates the 40th anniversary of 21 August 1968 – the day of the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia “ . Também em Praga, no “American Center “ abre a partir de hoje e até 30 de setembro uma exposição de “10 black-and-white photographs taken during the invasion on August 21, 1968 in Prague “ por Dušan Neumann um jornalista e fotógrafo checo que depois se tornou chéco-americano . a página da Radio Praga (“Radio Praha”: http://www.radio.cz) oferece muita informação e documentação, com uma “audiogallery” (com material de arquivo) e uma “photogallery” , com documentos disponibilizados pelo Institute of Contemporary History (http://68.usd.cas.cz ). Em The Observer encontra também uma pequena colecção fotográfica com a originalidade de incluir trabalhos de um fotógrafo russo (Anatoly Babi ) que integrou o exército invasor e de dois fotógrafos checos (os irmãos Bohumil e Jan Hajny) . HAF

10151º Dia

I: A Mina da Campina de Cima a a Quinta da Fonte da Pipa (Loulé)
Cumpridos os procedimentos de inscrição - a visita necessitou de inscrição prévia, que a LM deligenciou e na qual nos acompanhou com a sua família-, chegou o dia em que se concretizou um dos pontos altos destas férias: a visita à Mina da Campina de Cima, de onde se extrai minério salífero (salgema ou sal-gema)desde 1964.Chegada de toda a família (incluíndo os primos fraternos RR e S)a Loulé por volta das 13 horas. Almoço (razoável) no Beco. Por volta das 16.45,já devidamente protegidos com o capacete mineiro,entramos para os elevadores do poço vertical primacial (1964) e principal da mina (presumo pela indicação de “poço-1” na galeria a que dá acesso) e fizemos uma descida de 260 metros, seguida do generoso “passeio” por cerca de 800 metros de galerias,incluindo uma secção onde foi instalada uma parte da exposição “Articulações” que integra o programa de Arte Contemporânea de iniciativa do “Allgarve 2008”. Agradaram algumas peças da exposição (de facto articuladas com o espaço da mina)mas sem qualquer roteiro explicativo foi difícil apanhar o seu sentido global das “Articulações”(título da exposição presente, com outra parte no Convento de stº António, que não visitámos). Surpreendente,intimidador e fascinante foi calcorrear as galerias: e isto vale para adultos e crianças, mesmo que por motivos diferentes. A visita a este antigo troço de “mar salgado” agora tornado minério salífero recomenda-se vivavamente e é possível fazê-la até ao final do verão. Sobre a mina o leitor interessado pode obter mais infomação técnica e histórica em: Anabela Lopes, Soraia Matos e Teresa Luís: Prospecto da Mina da Campina de Cima (Loulé), Ed.Clona,Mineira de Sais Alcalinos, SA, 1998 [http://www.cienciaviva.pt/veraocv/ geologia/geo2002/materiais/geo11.PDF]. E ainda “Notícia sobre a Mina de Sal-Gema de Loulé” em http://geoleiria.blogspot.com/. É claro que falta um estudo histórico profissional (enfatiso bem) dedicado a esta mina que tem cerca de 44 anos de actividade.
O passeio proseguiu com uma (tornada breve) visita ao Palacete da Quinta da Fonte da Pipa, onde se encontra uma parte da exposição “Reação em Cadeia. Transformações na Arquitectura do Hotel”, sobre a qual há pouco a dizer, destacando-se o pequeno jardim que quando estiver bem cuidado pode ser aprazível aos sentidos . Sobre o “curioso” palacete nada de substancial pude obter ( e parece merecer um estudo cuidado). Sobre a exposição pude ler um prospecto: “O impacto mútuo entre turismo e a arquitectura serão apresentados em dois momentos distintos: A Parte I, no Palacete da Quinta da Fonte da Pipa, inaugura no dia 20 de Junho, com a série fotográfica de Paulo Catrica H 08, o inédito de poesia de Jorge Gomes Miranda Resgate, e as entrevistas vídeo a arquitectos, designers, hoteleiros Hospitalidade. A Parte II, no Lagar das Portas do Céu, inaugura no dia 26 de Julho, em simultâneo com a apresentação dos catálogos de todas as exposições, com a grande exposição de projectos de hotéis contemporâneos nacionais e estrangeiros, abertos ao público ou ainda em fase de projecto, selec-cionados pelo comissário, e a exposição pública dos textos da antologia literária e ensaística (1965-2008) “Hotéis como casas / Casas como hotéis” da autoria de Jorge Gomes Miranda.” [Cf.www.arquitectos.pt/documentos].“Quinta da Fonte da Pipa” é ainda o nome de uma empresa de urbanização que esteve sedeada no local.
O dia terminou com toda a família como comensal no aguardado jantar “especial” na Lota de Lagos.
II: A “Primavera de Praga” : o princípio do fim (?) do “socialismo de rosto humano” (I)
Na madrugada de 20 para 21 de Agosto de 1968 estava reunida a direcção do Partido Comunista da Checoslovaco : a agenda incluia a “questão da federação” e definição da agenda do Congresso do Partido (setembro 1968), e a aceitação das críticas e recomendações da “Carta de Varsóvia” (14-15-Julho 1968): “[…] But at the same time we cannot agree that hostile forces should push your country off the socialist path and threaten to detach Czechoslovakia from the socialist community. This is no longer your affair alone. It is the common cause of all communist and workers' parties and states, which are bound by alliance, cooperation, and friendship. It is the common cause of our countries, which have united in the Warsaw Pact to safeguard their independence, to preserve peace, to maintain security in Europe, and to erect an impregnable barrier to the intrigues of aggressive and vengeful imperialist forces […] . It is the common cause of our countries, which have united in the Warsaw Pact to safeguard their independence, to preserve peace, to maintain security in Europe, and to erect an impregnable barrier to the intrigues of aggressive and vengeful imperialist forces. The defense of the power of the working class, of all working people, and of socialist achievements in Czechoslovakia demands:
- a decisive and bold stand against right-wing and anti-socialist forces, and the mobilization of all means of defense created by the socialist state;
- an end to the activities of all political organizations acting against socialism;
- a reassertion of control by the party over the mass media-the press, radio, and television – so that they will be used in the interests of the working class, of all working people, and of socialism,
- a closing of the ranks of the party on the foundations of the principles of Marxism- Leninism, unflinching adherence to the principles of democratic centralism, and a struggle against those whose activity aids hostile forces.
We know that in Czechoslovakia there are forces capable of defending the socialist system and defeating anti-socialist elements. [….] “ (Cf: Navratil, Jaromir. "The Prague Spring 1968". Hungary: Central European Press, 1998, pp. 234-238)
As “fraternas” recomendações não foram aprovadas pela Direcção do CPCz.
HAF

terça-feira, agosto 19

10150º Dia

I: Depois de uma demorada marcha numa praia vazia de mar , um dia de Actas da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (19-06-1911 a 25-08-1911 (Cf.online). Para amanhã está confirmada a tão esperada descida ao sal gema…
II. A surpresa que chega de Pequim…..
"Não sei, correu mal. [….]Não há desculpas, correu mal. Eu e o meu treinador estamos imensamente tristes, porque trabalhámos, muito, muito, muito para chegarmos aqui".[Nadie Gomes, LUSA]
"Naíde Gomes continua a ser atleta e senhora de eleição" [Laurentino Dias,LUSA]
Obviamente concordo.
III: A “Primavera de Praga” sob a mira do Poder Soviético e do Pacto de Varsóvia (1968)
MOSCOW, 18 Aug. (1968): “The Soviet Communist party expressed apprehension today that the Czechoslovak leadership appeared to be losing control in the country (in NYT, 19.Aug.1968)
PRAGUE, Aug. 18 (1968)-- The Czechoslovak leadership has adopted a stance of moderation pending the convening of an extraordinary party congress scheduled for Sept. 9. The reformers look to the congress as a means of consolidating their position. (in NYT, 19.Aug. 1968)
MOSCOW, Aug. 19 (1968)-- The Soviet Union maintained its propaganda pressure on Czechoslovakia today, intensifying accusations that the reform leadership appeared unable or unwilling to give "the necessary rebuff" to anti-Communist plotters (in NYT, 20.Aug.1968
A 19 de Agosto de 1868, quatro dias despois da visita de Ceausescu (Presidente da Roménia) , que expressou o seu apoio às reformasd de Dubcek, intensificava-se a crispação entre o Partido Comunista Soviético e o Partido Comunista Checo, a imprensa soviética acentuava as críticas à situação checa, e o Ministro do Interior checo (Josef Pavel) fazia publicar o enquadramento administrativo para a reabilitação geral das vítimas da purga estalinista.
IV: Sérgio Vieira de Melo: 2003, 8.45 h:
“United Nations officials and aid workers who choose to work in conflict zones have always exposed themselves to banditry, crime and violence. But the assaults, kidnappings and killings of humanitarians have more than doubled in the past five years — precisely when independent humanitarian, reconstruction and development assistance has been urgently needed in places like Afghanistan and Iraq.
So what, then, should governments, the United Nations and humanitarian organizations do to help these workers continue to provide life-saving assistance in perilous circumstances? [….]
We cannot return to a pre-8/19 world any more than it can return to a pre-9/11 one. Neither the blue flag nor the red cross is enough to protect humanitarians in an age of terror. But five years after August 19 we owe it to those who died — and to those whom humanitarians have saved — to do far more to protect the protectors. “ [ by Samantha Power, “For Terrorists, a War on Aid Groups “, NYT, 19 de Agosto. Samantha Power, professor no Kennedy School of Government at Harvard, e autora de “Chasing the Flame: Sergio Vieira de Mello and the Fight to Save the World, Penguin Press HC, 2008”]
IV. “A crise da Geórgia: o fim da ilusão americanista”
O titulo é do editorial do Newopeans Magazine, assinado por Franck Biancheri em 15 de Agosto. A tese é a seguinte: La crise ouverte la semaine dernière par le président géorgien, Saakachvili, et son déroulement qui voit Moscou marquer ses premiers points territoriaux depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin, constitue un tournant. Elle est.le premier signe visible de l'effondrement du « Mur Dollar », celui derrière lequel a été protégée la puissance des Etats-Unis depuis 1945; un Mur dont le périmètre s'était considérablement élargi depuis la chute du « Mur de Berlin » (celui qui protégeait l'ex-URSS). […].
Loin d'être un brillant politique, Saakachvili n'est qu'un autocrate de seconde zone, construit par Washington et Tel Aviv, qui a crû que son destin était une route toute tracée par ses alliés américains, israéliens et britanniques, encouragé par des technocrates de Bruxelles et des politiciens du même acabit de Pologne, d'Ukraine ou des pays Baltes. Son erreur principale est d'avoir accordé foi à leurs illusions d'un « Caucase à vocation européenne » (intégration à l'UE)[2], d'une Géorgie à vocation nord-atlantique (intégration à l'OTAN), ... alors que les seuls intérêts étaient pétroliers, ...et la seule force de ses alliés, la faiblesse de la Russie et la pluie de Dollars sur la région. […]
Reconnaître l'influence réelle de Moscou, respecter nos valeurs et choisir d'appliquer les mêmes principes partout (et non pas selon nos intérêts), refuser de traiter les pays du Caucase comme des annexes (de l'Otan, de l'UE, de la Russie, de la Turquie, des intérêts pétroliers, .. le choix est vaste) et les considérer comme les composantes d'une région spécifique, susceptible d'intégration et de médiation entre les grands blocs qui la bordent, considérer des habitants du Caucase comme des citoyens partageant nos aspirations communes à la paix et la prospérité et appuyer leurs processus démocratiques authentiques (et non pas importés d'ailleurs), voilà une ambition à la mesure de l'Union européenne.” [cf. texto integral: http://www.newropeans-magazine.org]
HAF

10149º Dia

Segunda-feira, 18.08.2008
Diário de Cátedra: 10149º Dia
I. Elikia M´Bokolo, África Negra.., Vol.2…
II. Só o empenho individual pode recompensar. Mesmo aqui isso[por vezes]ocorre. III: As dificuldades do “New Conservative American Imperial Power”
IV- O regresso da política doméstica.
No país começou o ruído político. Sem surpresas. O já ridículo episódio do "novo partido político" (PSF?) e a renovação de promessas do casamento eleitoral. Iremos ultrapassar a fasquia dos jurados novos 150.000 empregos: com engenharia social ou na emigração dos jovens (diplomados). Claro e clássico.
HAF

domingo, agosto 17

10148º Dia

I
Regresso às caminhadas em maré-baixa, apanha de isco, uma vista pelas novas do dia e mais uma conversa, entre um 2º pequeno almoço e uma bica, com o eng. J. , como sempre na na mesa de proa da “Prateleira”: as condições ecológicas desta costa; a pressão dos empreiteiros e dos influentes; a longa história de pequenas e grandes cedências, o caos do trânsito e a excessiva carga de utilizadores sobre esta praia, e alguns sinais de descuido …a merecer mais que este registo. Com o arroz de polvo, a “longa siesta”, o chá na Varanda e uma parte do V capítulo de Elikia M´Bokolo chegou o por de sol, sem que se vislumbre um sinal de mar anunciador de um regresso à pesca. Noite dentro ainda tempo para deitar uma vista sobre alguns dados (indices) da mobilidade social em Portugal (1880-1960)....
II- Conversas ligadas
A praia mudou a sua população de veraneio. De um modo geral temos a partir de finais de julho 4 grupos em Burgau:
a) os veraneantes com origem familiar na vila, local a que regressam em diversos momentos do ano: por vezes são vários herdeiros de bens ainda não partilhados e que por isso se revezam ou reunem na casa de herança comum
b)os veraneantes que, depois de uma fase mais ou menos longa de recurso ao mercado de aluguer, acabaram por decidir aqui comprar pequenas ou grandes segundas habitações e que recorrentemente (há pelo menos 20 anos, os mais irredutíveis) aqui regressam para uma estada que varia entre a última semana de julho e a primeira de setembro;
c)os veraneantes de aluguer que se didivem em dois grandes grupos: o da segunda quinzena de Julho e primeira de agosto, essencialmente dos meios urbanos do sul a partir da linha Lisboa- Leiria-Torres Novas: uns ocasionais enquanto outros alugam casas há uma ou mais dezenas de anos; o da segunda quinzena de agosto, os mais irregulares e voláteis, são essencialmente oriundos do extremo norte do país, especialmente do litoral, do Porto até Viana do Castelo-Braga.
Uns e outros, pertencem a mundos muito diferenciados:desapareceram alguns lavradores alentejanos, permenecem muitos assalariados urbanos (funcionários públicos ou privados), pequenos industriais e comerciantes, quadros médios e superiores (dos sectores privado e público). Muitos deles vejo-os aqui e só aqui anos a fio: chegarm com os filhos, que vão crescendo, e regressam ano a ano, com novas gerações... duas e três gerações, muitas presentes em simultâneo (o mercado das casas grandes anima-se mais). E entre a praia e o café (excepto ontem que o FCP perdeu: não sairam de casa....um velho costume pois o local tem uma freguesia muito leonina) passam o tempo. Em grupos amplos (muitos chapéus de sol, muita geladeira, sacos de fruta, tralha de praia ....ou muitas mesas juntas...) conversam muito, muito alto, sobre a sua vida e a dos outros. E de fragmentos de conversas que acabo por apanhar, aqui e ali, com as tonalidades locais próprias, percebo que toda a gente aqui está com o dinheiro muito contado... mais contado do que nunca, muido descontente por isso e convencida de que os anos próximos serão ainda mais incertos.
HAF

sábado, agosto 16

10147º Dia

I
Depois da costumeira, madrugadora e sempre agradável visita ao “ mercado internacional rural” de Lagos foi a operação do repatriamento da descendência e colaterais que estiveram em Sagres 2008: Super Bock Surf Fest (que afinal não é bem na Praia do Tonel como diz a propaganda). O acesso à vila e a vila tornam-se um caos de trânsito. Na vila cresce o negócio de bares e cafés…. Alguns deles operam de forma original: estão abertos até sujar a loiça toda, fecham de imediato para lavagens e limpesa e depois voltam a abrir. A retirada foi mais fácil por estradas “secundárias” e florestais… A casa ficou sem espaço para uma sesta que foi susbtituida por uma “longa marcha” numa praia de águas termo-irregulares. À tarde um grupo de voluntários (recorrentes veraneantes em Burgau) deu uma boa lição aos habitantes locais: procedeu à limpesa do tanque de água de nascente ….
II A solução “Zimbabué” : O líder da oposição [MDC] do Zimbabué, Morgan Tsvangirai - que ganhou as eleições legislativas (Parlamento, Março 2008) pese embora a batota fomentada pelo “establishment” -, aceitou ser primeiro-ministro de um Governo de unidade nacional, cedendo a Presidência e o controlo das Forças Armadas [com algumas restrições de importantes] ao actual Presidente, Robert Mugabe [que foi “re-eleito” presidente com batota….]. É uma boa notícia para os zimbabueanos e, no futuro, uma solução inspiradora para a transição democrática noutros países.
III. Regressou o Futebol….
Ontem , do Benfica-Milão gostei do sorriso sarcástico de “irremediável despreso” de Mourinho em relação a muitas decisões da arbitragem. O Benfica também melhorou embora pareça uma equipa ainda muito desiquilibrada. No jogo de hoje (FCP-SCP) , de qualidade já bastante elevada, o árbitro Xistra esteve a um nível baixo : as regras do jogo não podem variar em função do ciclo do jogo: jogo violento é sempre jogo violento, para todos e em todos os momentos do jogo (Ponto final); a vitória do SCP foi clara e sem espinhas. A ausência de Quaresma é incompreensível a não ser que haja uma ruptura gravíssima.
HAF

sexta-feira, agosto 15

10146º Dia

I-
10.00-14.00: Diário de Notícias 1900-1926
19.00-21.00: Elikia M´Bokolo, Àfrica Negra.., Vol.2,
II- A Polícia de Parma , a prostituta “adormecida” e o Fascismo
A foto infra foi publicada pelo diário católico La Repubblica a 12 Agosto: ela denuncia o tratamento de uma prostituta nigeriana numa esquadra da polícia de Parma . O episódio foi comentado na imprensa italiana (dia 13 e 14) suscitando uma grande controvérsia na opinião pública italiana, incluindo os meios católicos onde alguns sectores associam a radical tolerância zero berlusconiana face à imigração como um perigoso sinal de fascisação. O “escândalo” não escapou à imprensa europeia que desde ontem começou a divulgá-lo. Pode conhecer mais detalhes em “Le Monde” e “El Pais”, nas edições de ontem ou em “Público”, na edição de hoje. Segundo o Le Monde (14 Ago.) , o Presidente do Senado , o segundo cargo na hierarquia do estado italiano, comentou o assunto da forma seguinte: "Cette photographie dramatique risque de transmettre une image de notre pays différente de ce qu'il est en réalité et de ce qui est fait pour protéger l'ordre public tout en respectant les droits inviolables de la personne.. Qui entend adopter le principe de la tolérance zéro peut le faire mais sans jamais se soustraire au respect de la dignité et à celui de la vie privée de la personne"
A imagem perturba por indiciar um modo indigno de tratar alguns tipos de imigrantes irregulares, uma conduta que pode abrir a caixa de Pandora. E sendo este ou não mais um exemplo documentado dessa conduta reprovável e perigosa eu relembro aqui como a banalização do desprezo e da violência (brutal) sobre os africanos no período da construcção do imperialismo colonial europeu (1880-1914), foi um “veneno instalado nas veias da Europa” que favoreceu “o avanço, lento mas seguro, da barbarização do continente” [ Aimé Césaire, citado por Elikia M´Bokolo, Àfrica Negra.., Vol.2, 2007, p. 330] , um facto que teve uma expressão dramática nos fascismos (e totalitarismos) do pós 1ª Guerra Mundial e perdurou até aos anos 1960s..
HAF

quinta-feira, agosto 14

10145º Dia

I.
9.00-17.30: Diário de Notícias 1900-1926.

II Present with Past
Enquanto uma parte da prole rumou à Sagres 2008: Super Bock Surf Fest (Praia do Tonel) ……

III Os 100 mais ricos do país
Foi divulgada a lista dos 100 mais ricos em portugal (ranking 2008). Alguns dos nomes estão disponíveis em textos online do JN e a AgênciaFinanceira, incluindo a lista dos 20 primeiros, as novas entradas, o aumento da quota feminina e o desentendimento sobre a existência de mudança no topo.
Tive, como historiador profissional , a oportunidade de reconstituir listas e de estudar estes grupos para outros períodos da História de Portugal dos Sécs 19-20, e esses estudos mudaram a “tradicional” visão negativa com que alguns meios políticos e intelectuais anatemizaram estas personagens .
Entre os que estão na lista agora divulgada conhecem-se histórias de mérito . De outros pouco se sabe, o que rigorosamente nada tem de negativo. Mas de um ou outro conhecem-se histórias de ausentismo fiscal. E isso é indigno. Não sou contra os ricos nem “os mais ricos”, mas sou contra a brutal desigualdade social existente no país, que é sinal de atraso social. Sabemos que 10% dos mais ricos no Brasil concentram 75% da riqueza e que os 10% dos mais pobres entregam para impostos uma quota de rendimento (32%) superior à daqueles (22%) [Cf. O Globo online, 15-05-08]: os números são diferentes em Portugal ? A “irresponsabilidade fiscal “ e a desigualdade fiscal inversa são, além de eticamente indignos, factores da desigualdade social extrema e de sociedade atrasada.
HAF

quarta-feira, agosto 13

10144º Dia

I
9.00-11.00: 2º relatório de referee científico
11.00-13.00: Os Fulbrighters nacionais (1960-2003) (tese em curso)
16.00-19.00: NYT 1900-1926 BD
II. Arte Urbana/Street Art de JR
JR é um jovem fotógrafo francês que está “aconstumbrado a trabajar al margem de la ley. […] Antes lo perseguía la polícia y ahora lo siguen los museos”. Vale a pena ler de Juan Arias e Carlos Galilea, “ Los ojos misteriosos de la ciudad “ [El Pays, 13 de Agosto], explorar o “site” do artista - cujo “ travail mélange l'art et l'action, parle d'engagement, de liberté, d'identité et de limite. Il se qualifie d'artiviste, concentré d'artiste et d'activiste. (http://www.jr-art.net/) - e passar pela página web do Tate Modern [International Modern and Contemporary Art (London)] que está com um programa dedicado à Street Art , iniciado com uma exposição (23 May – 25 August 2008) -onde destaca os trabalhos de Seis artistas – “ Blu from Bologna, Italy; the artist collective Faile from New York, USA; JR from Paris, France; Nunca and Os Gêmeos, both from São Paulo, Brazil and Sixeart from Barcelona, Spain.”–, um ciclo de conferências (11 de Julho a 15 de Agosto ) e, a encerrar, um ciclo de “street art films” (16 a 17 de agosto) onde “ you can see a weekend of free films on this exciting new art form. See street artists Nunca, Sixeart and Os Gêmeos in action and find out why street art has become such a massive global phenomenon” [cf. http://www.tate.org.uk/modern/]

Na web pag de JR não dispense uma visita ao “PROJET Women are Heroes” (fotos belíssimas) : “ Le projet Women a pour objectif de redonner aux femmes le rôle central qu’elles occupent dans leur société et de mettre en valeur leur dignité en photographiant leur portrait à l’aide d’un objectif 28 millimètres, puis en collant ces portraits sur les murs de leur pays.
Par ailleurs, en exposant ces images dans les grandes villes occidentales comme à Bruxelles en mars 2008 ou bientôt à Londres puis Paris en 2009, le projet sensibilise les populations européennes sur la condition de ces femmes et favorise la connexion, à travers l’art, de deux mondes trop éloignés.
Le Kenya, le Soudan, le Sierra-Leone, le Liberia - Les violences subies par les femmes lors des conflits armés africains sont l’expression la plus extrême des discriminations dont elles sont victimes en temps de paix. Les guerres ethniques en Afrique sont la source des pires crimes commis a l’encontre des femmes. En rencontrant ces femmes, JR veut témoigner de leur force, de leur courage et de leur combat : vivre tout d’abord, pour exister ensuite.
Au Brésil, le contexte si particulier des favellas de Rio de Janeiro a favorisé la rencontre de femmes pour lesquelles le crime, la perte violente d’un proche, d’un fils et la répression arbitraire font partie du quotidien.
En 2008/2009, JR prévoit de se rendre en Inde, au Cambodge, au Laos, au Marcs, puis de revenir au Kenya.
A la limite de l’art contemporain – A l’instar du projet Face 2 Face, le but est d’atteindre les limites de l’art au sein d’un environnement social et culturel clos et d’observer la réaction des populations locales. L’enjeu ici est d’évaluer les possibilités d’intervention dans des environnements très divers. Le succès d’une telle action serait de pouvoir offrir à nouveau à ces femmes un statut digne de la position qu’elles occupent dans leur société. La preuve par l’action est privilégiée.
En Europe et dans les pays occidentaux, les expositions très grand format auront pour but de rappeler cet esprit d’aventure artistique. "
HAF

10143º Dia

I
09.00-15.00: Projecto Mobilidade Social /Classificiação de novas profissões…
17.0-20.30: Relatório como referee de artigo científico
II
III
Sabia que a “ANACOM [Autoridade Nacional de Comunicações] pressionou as operadoras” para reduzirem tarifas de originação de chamadas (TSF)" (Cf Sapo online). Da notícia interessa-me a palavra “originação”. O termo não consta nos Dicionários electrónico da Porto Editora que tenho instalado no meu portátil, nem no Dicionário de Língua Portuguesa do King Host on line (os instrumentos de recurso quando estou fora de casa….), e seguramente está ausente do Grande Dicionário da Língua Portuguesa do Machado. É verdade que o encontrei aplicado para traduzir um termo filosófico budista. Mas acima de tudo o termo é horrível….. Se quer conhecer o contexto do seu uso não perca a peça literária que a seguir se referência: “Imposição de obrigações nos mercados grossistas de originação e terminação de chamadas na rede telefónica pública num local fixo” (http://www.anacom.pt)
HAF

segunda-feira, agosto 11

10142º Dia

I
09.00-11.00: Projecto Mobilidade Social /Classificiação de novas profissões…
11.00-14.30-Regresso aos serviços da medicina…
16.00-19.00: Projecto Mobilidade Social /Classificação de novas profissões…
19.15-21.00: Elikia M`Bokolo: África Negra..... e depois uma noitada de “eleven”
II
A Questão do Caucaso (Ossética e Abkházia) mostra como se torna difícil à escala global irradicar a doença do “nacionalismo” e que o grande combate do século XXI é superá-lo através de unidades políticas regionais supra-nacionais consentidas e sem "estados-directores". Outros continentes devem aprender com os desastres dos nacionalismos na "outra" Europa pós-1989.....
A "Questão Zimbabuéana" estará à beira de uma solução? Qual o verdadeiro poder negocial e de compromisso de Robert Mugabe? Suspeita-se que pouco. Veremos amanhã e nos dias seguintes
HAF

sábado, agosto 9

10141º Dia

I
Elikia M`Bokolo: África Negra. História e Civilizações do Século XIX aos nossos dias (Tomo II) [Colibri, 2007]
II
Dois longos passeios na praia, uma moambada com o pessoal do rés-do-chão, e uma interessante conversa com um agrónomo, vizinho circunstancial do 1º andar (de calendário de veraneio certo) e tornado amigo de há muitos anos : passadas em revista experiências profissionais, questões florestais e os laços da História e da Universidade com a Agronomia e Silvicultura e, Àfrica, naturalmente, a que temos como referência comum.
III
22.00-05.00: o que sabemos sobre retornados/”rapatriés”. Re-organização da biblioteca electrónica….
HAF

10140º Dia

Moisés Eugénio Mabunda: A Construção da Nação em Moçambique: uma avaliação do modelo de colocação de professores do Ensino Secundário, 1975-1985 (Thesis Master Of SC in Sociology, University of Pretoria, 2004) : finalmente lido e comentado. Um estudo muito interessante sobre o “uso” (bem sucedido), entre 1975-85, por parte do novo Estado Moçambicano de um mecanismo especial de colocação de professores (e de funcionários públicos, civis e militares ) com o propósito de incrementar o inter-conhecimento, a aproximação e homogeneisação “cultural” (parcial) entre os moçambicanos: analisa-se, com bastante rigor e apesar das limitações das fontes, uma era de mobilidade profissional “compulsiva” ( os professores não podiam ser colocados nas regiões de origem) para os professores do ensino secundário, um corpo de de funcionários não só técnica e ideologicamente mais qualificados como actores principais na formação do "homem novo", o moçambicano, procurando o autor reacionar os propósitos de uma acção política [aparentemente) sistemática mas "informal"e os seus resultados.
HAF

10139º Dia

Depois da visita médica , foi o regresso ao final da tarde à tese de M.E.Mabunda. Pelo meio foi o integral visionamento do extraordinário momento que constituiu a cerimónia “oriental” de abertura dos Jogos Olímpicos de Pequim: organização, método, responsabilidade vs cultura, bom gosto, sofisticação, talento, imaginação. Um encanto.
O dia só acabou com o regresso a Lagos, para a clássica “volta familiar ” das sextas-feiras nocturnas: um passeio da marina para o centro pontuado com um ou outro dos vários espetáculos de rua (bandas andinas, teatro de rua, a já “tradicional” flautista dos cães etc), as “estátuas” temporárias (hoje um extraordinário manipulador e sua marioneta), a exposição no edifício da CM , as telas várias, os “vulgares” retratos e “caricaruras na hora” de artistas ambulantes ou residentes, o trabalho de artesãos de tranças, tatoos e coisas várias, as bancas africanas, o baile do Largo, a “tabacaria” agora modernizada, etc., etc. tudo isto muito errático mas sempre entrecortado com um “gelado” abusado na Gelataria Britaica e um café /chá aí ou na esplanada das laranjeiras. Mesmo que por razões diferentes todos, há muitos anos, apreciamos esta “volta” . A coisa demorou-se com a inclusão da visita à Feira do Livro: fracota, mas sempre motivo de curiosidade e de “investimento”. Trouxe um dúzia de livros, incluindo o “Relatório dos Acontecimentos de Timor (1942-45) [ed. 2003] , o nº 12/13 de Arquivos da Memória, do CEEP -UNL(2002), dedicado a “Portugal 1974-1976. Processo Revolucionário em Curso” e de Manuel Loff , “ O nosso século é Fascista. O Mundo visto por Salazar e Franco (1936-1945) (Campo das Letras, 2008).
HAF

10138º Dia

Um dia pasmado…. e uma longa caminhada até às Cabanas Velhas pelo trilho das arribas (dos pescadores).
HAF

quarta-feira, agosto 6

10137º Dia

10136º Dia


HAF
[e continuam problemas de navegação com a Vodafone]

10135º Dia

I
O primeiro de uma curta série de dias com indicação de actividade elevada da fauna piscícola. Resultado: uma moderadamente “generosa” pescaria na antiga “pedreira” anexa à praia das Cabanas Velhas. Para amanhã talvez a faina se centre no Cerro dos Toiros, um local com um antigo acesso agora dificultado por uma pomposa habitação de um conhecido político que conseguiu construir quase a cavalo com a falésia!!!!...
II A morte de Aleksandr [Isaevich] Solzhenitsyn /Alexandre Soljenitsin (1918-2008:
jovem comunista (pelas circunstâncias), matemático, professor, intelectual, escritor, crítico do Estalinismo e depois dissidente soviético, prémio Nobel da Literatura (1970), admirador dos ditadores ocidentais tradicionais, conservador serôdio, adversário da democracia parlamentar e do “modelo europeu” e entusiasta da “nova Rússia” putiniana (“democracia” com liberdades e direitos humanos muito limitados)
A notícia está na primeira página do The New York Times: “Solzhenitsyn, Literary Giant Who Defied Soviets, Dies at 89”, em obituário assinado por MICHAEL T. KAUFMAN de que destaco um extracto: “Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, whose stubborn, lonely and combative literary struggles gained the force of prophecy as he revealed the heavy afflictions of Soviet Communism in some of the most powerful works of the 20th century, died late on Sunday at the age of 89 in Moscow.[…].
Mr. Solzhenitsyn had been an obscure, middle-aged, unpublished high school science teacher in a provincial Russian town when he burst onto the literary stage in 1962 with “A Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich.” The book, a mold-breaking novel about a prison camp inmate, was a sensation. Suddenly he was being compared to giants of Russian literature like Tolstoy, Dostoyevski and Chekhov.
Over the next five decades, Mr. Solzhenitsyn’s fame spread throughout the world as he drew upon his experiences of totalitarian duress to write evocative novels like “The First Circle” and “The Cancer Ward” and historical works like “The Gulag Archipelago.” [The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, 1974,n.m.]
“Gulag” was a monumental account of the Soviet labor camp system, a chain of prisons that by Mr. Solzhenitsyn’s calculation some 60 million people had entered during the 20th century. The book led to his expulsion from his native land. George F. Kennan, the American diplomat, described it as “the greatest and most powerful single indictment of a political regime ever to be leveled in modern times.”
Mr. Solzhenitsyn was heir to a morally focused and often prophetic Russian literary tradition, and he looked the part. With his stern visage, lofty brow and full, Old Testament beard, he recalled Tolstoy while suggesting a modern-day Jeremiah, denouncing the evils of the Kremlin and later the mores of the West. He returned to Russia and deplored what he considered its spiritual decline, but in the last years of his life he embraced President Vladimir V. Putin as a restorer of Russia’s greatness. […]” [CF. NYT, 4.08.08]

Sobre o lugar de Alexandre Soljenitsin na literatura soviética e russa do pós- 2ª Guerra Mundial e, acima de tudo, o contexto em que ele emergiu como tal, relembro aqui, apesar de longa, a “Introdução” do Prof. Paul W. Blackstock que acompanhou a edição de “ We Never Make Mistakes: Two Short Novels “ ,[inclui “An Incident at Krechetovka Station” e “Matryona's House”] pela University of South Carolina Press [Columbia, SC. 1963]:
“Alexander Solzhenitsyn "Two Stories" appeared in the January, 1963, issue of the Soviet literary magazine, Novy Mir (New World), which had previously published his sensational story of life in the Stalinist labor camps, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich [Один день Ивана Денисовича , ed. orig. 1962 ; um dia na vida do camponês Ivan Denisovich Shukhov como prisioneiro no “campo de trabalho” de Karanga sob a acusão de espionagem pró-germânica (1943), com duas ed. em inglês LOGO EM 1963 (n.minha)]. In a foreword to this earlier work, Alexander Tvardovsky, Editor-in-Chief of Novy Mir, wrote that "it marks the appearance on the literary scene of a new, original and mature talent." He had such a feeling of gratitude for the honesty and candor of Solzhenitsyn's work that his "greatest wish" was that "this gratitude be shared by other readers." Hence the publication of these "Two Stories," or two short novels.
To the reader who lives in an open, unregimented society, this kind of remark may seem puzzling. What, one may ask, is so unusual about appearance of a new Soviet author who writes openly and honestly about life as he has known it? And why should the Soviet reader be grateful for the opportunity to read his works?
There are no simple, direct answers to these questions. The explanation lies deep in the nature of Soviet society and the role which the artist, especially the writer, is called upon to play in it.
The impression created by the Soviet system on the visitor from one of our open, Western societies is one of "togetherness gone mad." The state has created an official ideal image of Soviet society as a sort of grandiose, prize-winning collective in which each private individual heroically overfulfills his plan, no matter how great the obstacles.
For example, in their first-grade reader, all Soviet school children are introduced to an ideal image of "Mother" drawn for them in a story which begins: "My mother works in a factory and makes little electric lamps. Every month she overfulfills the plan." A Marxist-Leninist ideology and an official image of Soviet life and society are thus imposed on the individual beginning in his earliest formative years.
All must pay lip service to these concepts, and, under the doctrine of Socialist Realism, artists are called upon to reinforce them. They are regarded by the state as instruments in the general task of uplifting and indoctrinating Soviet society, and, what is more, are for the most part willing to accept this role. This is especially true of writers, whom Soviet Chairman N. S. Khrushchev, addressing the Fourth Congress of the Union of Soviet writers in May, 1959, described as "a type of artillery. They clear the way for our forward movement, and help our Party in the Communist education of workers." He added, with typical Khrushchevian candor, "You must brainwash the people with your works!"
This is the official literary mission. The doctrine of Socialist Realism has been developed not only to defend this mission, but as a means of condemning all art which, according to official standards, fails to provide the necessary uplift, to sound a call to overfulfill the plan, and to portray life as part of the ever-forward march of Soviet collectivism, which is implicitly held up as the ultimate goal of all humanity.
Since the death of Stalin and the publication in 1954 of Ilya Ehrenberg's novel, The Thaw, followed by Vladimir Dudintsev Not By Bread Alone, there has been a tentative unfreezing of the rigid Socialist Realism formula. A random sample of recent Soviet novels and short stories will reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of literature produced under these somewhat improved conditions.
The uninitiated reader is both attracted and repelled by current Soviet literature. He is attracted by the fact that many of the authors have talent. Obviously they can produce what by Western standards would be called good -- perhaps even great -- literature, until the inevitable Communist indoctrination seeps through. The social and political lessons are rarely subtle. In most cases they are as obtrusive as the ubiquitous hammer-and-sickle symbol of Soviet power. Certainly the Western reader, and probably many Soviet citizens as well, find this continuous moralizing and political indoctrination both repulsive and disheartening. What a pity that such talents are employed (or in some cases clearly prostituted) for purely didactic or propaganda purposes!
At least two features are common to most current Soviet writing and image-making. First, work -- almost any kind of work as long as it is hard and unremitting -- is held up as one of the highest individual and collective ideals. Theoretically it is not only an end in itself which gives life meaning, but is also richly rewarded. As a general rule, manual labor is highly romanticized, above all, tireless, "heroic," labor in a pioneer setting, as illustrated by Alexis Malenkii's long novel, Developers of the Tundra (Pokoriteli Tundry) -- (Siberskie Ogni, 1959-60). Thus a large percentage of Soviet short stories and novels falls into what may be called the "production" or "construction" category or genre. Second, the Communist Party and the collective organizations under its influence or control are idealized and romanticized. These range from individual work brigades to collective farms and large Party or bureaucratic institutions. Frequently a story line will concentrate on the individual human being, caught in circumstances beyond his control by an unkind fate, who is miraculously rescued by the Party or by one of its organizations.
He thus achieves "true happiness" in the collective, as illustrated in a story, very skillfully drafted, by Boris Zubavin, entitled "Happiness" (Radost) -- (Moskva, 1962). It should be noted that in the Soviet moral universe this kind of happiness is the equivalent of "salvation" for the Christian. The basic Western idea that "no man is an island" has been distorted beyond all recognition. The ideal prototype of the new Soviet man achieves inner grace by self-less toil, but his redemption can only come from the collective, when at the decisive moment of his life's struggle, he merges with it and "measures up to the demands of the Revolution, of human society, of history."
The strength of such literature lies in its idealism and optimism. Its writers, frequently with undeniable skill and talent, accomplish the mission laid down for them by the canons of Socialist Realism.
They discharge what a Soviet youth recently called: that great responsibility which has been placed upon our generation -- to preserve the fire of the October Revolution, not to surrender a single position, to rise yet another step in man's ascent toward the sun, toward happiness, toward light. [Stormy applause.] (Komsomolskaya Pravda, April 5, 1961.)
Soviet writers who accomplish such tasks (or indeed, any who are published at all) are well paid for their work. Such writing has its counterpart in many of the Horatio Alger, success story novels produced in the open, unregimented societies of the West. The "happy-ending" formula literature of the West -like its Soviet counterpart -- also pays its producers well. In this genre some readers may be inclined to rate Soviet writing (which at least has a well-defined set of social objectives) higher than purely escapist literature which offers no goal other than the aimless pursuit of pleasure in an idealized affluence--utterly beyond the reach of the majority of the people. Some readers may also prefer Soviet "uplift" literature to Western products of various "realistic" schools, which apparently regard almost any parade of sex and violence as Art, especially if the product is infused with elements of social protest.
When queried as to "why they do it?", writers who specialize in the Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm or Developers of the Tundra product come up with the counterquestion: "After all, we have to eat, don't you agree?" Talleyrand had an unkind but pertinent reply: "I don't see the necessity." The pity of it all, as far as Soviet authors are concerned, is that basically there is no market for any other kind of product. There is only one publisher -- the State. The "work conquers all" type of story is what the Government wants and what it buys. There are no private presses, although a few handmimeographed poems or stories are occasionally circulated surreptitiously.
The weaknesses of literature produced by the Socialist Realism formula are too familiar to require extensive elaboration here. As with all the products of "formula" writing, whether capitalist or Soviet, the characters are simply not human. They are stylized caricatures of human beings which move like puppets through a distorted dreamworld. Both the Rover Boys and the heroic figures of the Soviet "production" novels are equally hollow, equally out of touch with the real world.
The basic weakness has been recognized in rare moments of candor by official Soviet sources themselves. For example, Komsomolskaya Pravda, the daily paper of the Young Communist League, in its April 5, 1961, issue, quoted the following candid criticism by a young teacher from the Leningrad State Pedagogical Institute:
The heroes of our literature and of our theatre merely hint at what we see in real life. There is no arguing that our young people have courage and other fine qualities. But whenever we try to show a hero personifying these qualities -- say, a builder on a construction site or in the virgin lands -- what emerges is something rather schematic, sometimes even grotesque.
This criticism strikes home, as anyone with the patience to read through a representative sampling of contemporary Soviet literature can testify. It is precisely because such "heroic" literature is so far out of touch with reality -- either human or Soviet -- that the editor of Novy Mir, quoted above, is grateful for the kind of direct, honest portrayal of life found in Solzhenitsyn's earlier work, and is really like. They are in the great tradition of the stories of peasant life written by Turgenev and Tolstoy -- stories which contributed materially to the prerevolutionary scene in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Russia. They have the same ring of authenticity, pay a similar attention to significant detail, and provide comparable insights into Russian character.
In his March 1963 speech to the Soviet writers and artists, Khrushchev forcefully indicated that the liberal trend in art and literature had gone too far, and that it was time to retreat back into the rigid framework of Socialist Realism. Although Khrushchev mentioned Solzhenitsyn's work favorably, there were rumors in Moscow that Tvardovsky, editor of Novy Mir, who published it, would be removed from his post. The rumors proved false, but the March issue of Novy Mir appeared a month late, and the last installment of Ilya Ehrenberg's controversial memoirs was much shorter than previous ones. The young poet Yevtushenko's planned visit to the United States was canceled. On the other hand, three Soviet writers ( Alexander Yessenin-Volpin, Michael Naritza, Valeriy Tsaris) who had formerly been declared insane and forcibly detained in insane asylums, were quietly released.
All these signs point to a campaign against liberalism similar to the one which took place in 1957 after publication abroad of the late Boris Pasternak prize-winning novel, Doctor Zhivago. How far the current "refreeze" will go and how long it will last is an open question, part of the larger problem of how any authoritarian regime handles the emergence of an art and literature of social protest, a subject which merits brief consideration.
It is ironic that the Soviet regime has nursed its present generation of intellectuals on the social protest literature of Western Europe and the United States. Today, forty-five per cent of all Soviet grade school students study English as a second language continuously for six or seven years. In the course of even such elementary instruction the Russian student actually reads more English and American literature than American students at the same grade level. Certainly, most contemporary Russian authors are familiar with outstanding examples of social protest writing ranging from the novels of Dickens and Mark Twain through Dreiser, Faulkner, Steinbeck, and England's "Angry Young Men" of today. (The study of such literature is encouraged since presumably it "unmasks" or exposes the evils and contradictions theoretically inherent in a bourgeois capitalist system which, according to dialectical materialism, makes its ultimate replacement by Communist society inevitable. It is hoped the Soviet student will form an image of the United States, for example, which is a composite of An American Tragedy, Tobacco Road, and Grapes of Wrath.) Moreover, many of the great Russian classics of the nineteenth century were written in protest against the obvious political and social abuses of the Czarist regime. Under these circumstances it is inevitable that Russian intellectuals writing today should seek some means of protesting against similar abuses which they discern in contemporary Soviet society. However, by definition the Soviet system has none of the weaknesses of previous, capitalist societies and is a near-Utopia in transition to the final Marxist Paradise. Accordingly, the regime attempts to contain the writer's deep-seated urge to protest within the increasingly inadequate doctrinal framework of Socialist Realism. Ever since the 1956 Twentieth Party Congress when de-Stalinization became official policy, the regime has permitted criticism of the Stalinist past. The abuses of that period can be attributed to "the cult of the individual" and have theoretically been corrected with the new course under Khrushchev. For a significant number of "angry" Russians of all ages, however, this minor concession has not been enough. They have sent abroad, for publication under assumed names, works which protest against present abuses. The most familiar example is Abram Tertz's (pseudonym) The Trial Begins. For the moment the regime has responded by another official warning from Khrushchev and certain repressive measures. But like open terror (which Khrushchev has denounced as a Stalinist crime) such repressive measures have their limits, and ultimately prove self-defeating. Too many bullets put an end to all cooperation. Similarly, artists and authors cannot fulfill their assigned tasks from jails or insane asylums. Some sort of compromise is called for and may take the already established form of an increasingly flexible interpretation of what is permissible under Socialist Realism.
The USSR has made enormous scientific and technological progress in the last decade since no more than lip service to dialectical materialism is now required of Russian scientists. This is an encouraging sign of growing intellectual honesty and maturity, and if the trend is extended to the humanities, the USSR may yet come of age and take its rightful place among the truly civilized powers in the society of nations. Now that the Soviets have demonstrated that they are no longer "backward" in science and technology, they may seek to demonstrate that they are a kulturny (cultured) nation as well. A first step in this direction would be to show enough selfconfidence in their much vaunted "new Soviet society" to permit the free development of a literature of social protest. Obviously the present Soviet leadership lacks this self-confidence. However, a hesitant first step in the direction of cultural emancipation has already been taken with the publication of novels and stories such as these by Solzhenitsyn which are written as literature rather than for the lessons they contain.
It is encouraging that Soviet authorities have permitted the publication of such writing, under the claim that "today there is no aspect of our life that cannot be dealt with and faithfully described in Soviet literature." Let us hope that this claim may yet be proven true, that the regime will someday permit its authors to return to the original sources of Russian inspiration, to the Russian people and to the Russian soil, which somehow stubbornly resists political indoctrination. It may be that with increasing maturity, the USSR, now widely recognized as one of the superpowers in the world today, will outgrow some of its youthful preoccupation with purely political objectives. It may even be that Russia will again return to the main stream of Western civilization. However, one swallow does not make a spring.
On the one hand, the appearance of such stories as these of Solzhenitsyn could mark the beginning of a new flowering of Russian literature. On the other hand, such promising new efforts could be suppressed and the men who produced them could be silenced in a new wave of tyranny and oppression. The latter development is unlikely at this stage under the present Soviet regime. On the contrary, the persistent demand for more, rather than less, artistic freedom is already so strong that it is doubtful whether a narrow strait jacket of Socialist Realism can in fact be reimposed on Soviet literature by those who, like the Stalinist security police, "never make mistakes."
Paul W. Blackstock
Columbia, South Carolina , May, 1963 “
[in SOLZHENITSYN Alexander: “We Never Make Mistakes: Two Short Novels”, Paul W. Blackstock – translator] Ed. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia, SC. 1963]
HAF
[continuam problemas de navegação com a Vodafone]